Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space

"A community’s physical form, rather than its land uses, is its most intrinsic and enduring characteristic." [Katz, EPA] This blog focuses on place and placemaking and all that makes it work--historic preservation, urban design, transportation, asset-based community development, arts & cultural development, commercial district revitalization, tourism & destination development, and quality of life advocacy--along with doses of civic engagement and good governance watchdogging.

Monday, October 16, 2017

Problem solvers vs. possibility thinkers (and Kroger)

RetailWire is a website/e-letter on retail.  Monday-Friday the site puts together articles on three topics of the day, and practice experts typically comment and provide additional insights.

KrogerA Friday article, "Is Kroger in denial about the magnitude of its challenges?,"  is about Kroger, the nation's second largest "supermarket" chain, and whether or not they are positioned and positioning to remain relevant as the market for food buying, preparation, and consumption continues to change and morph away from being dominated by the consumption of meals prepared and cooked "at home"--the market for which supermarkets long dominated.

I was struck by the comment by Ian Percy, President of the Ian Percy Corporation which seems particularly relevant to all matters of "problem solving" and consideration of transformation, regardless of setting, definitely not limited to the world of supermarkets, very much relevant to urban revitalization.

In the article "Is Kroger in denial about the magnitude of its challenges?," Ian Percy comments:
We can be problem solvers, in which case we are doomed to focus on the past. Or we can be possibility thinkers in which case we are focused on the future. It’s not quite a binary choice, but most “leaders” seem unable to get away from the past and problem solving. The thing is … solve every problem you have and all you are is caught up.

There are three levels of possibilities. There are adjacent possibilities, the incremental changes (aka best practices) everyone makes in the “me too” retail world. Free shipping. Digital marketing. Local sourcing. Low prices.

There are non-adjacent possibilities which are the innovations and ideas that make everyone nervous because it usually means leading the pack which, contrary to a common myth, very few leaders actually want to do.

Then there are transformational possibilities … those possibilities few others will ever see. Transformational possibilities are those that totally redefine a specific world. Think Amazon, Apple, Facebook, the first heart transplant. This requires inspired leadership who have tapped into the secrets of the universe.

Unfortunately, non-adjacent and transformational thinkers don’t last long in a typical bureaucracy stuck in legacy thinking. That’s why they usually need to start with a clean sheet and build their own enterprise.

So on what level does Kroger think? You can pick. Here’s the thing: you CANNOT discover transformational possibilities by copying a transformational organization any more than you become an artist by doing paint-by-numbers. See what Amazon and Apple have yet to see and you will own the world. As John Sculley said: “The future belongs to those who see possibilities before they become obvious.”

Most of us, I think Kroger included, are too afraid to do so.
Separately, Ian is working to apply "possibilities thinking" to community revitalization, which is something he and I are aiming to talk about.

Possibilities thinking and urban planning.   Possibilities thinking is in line with a number of my writings outlining a more visionary approach to urban planning:
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Back to Kroger.  Interestingly, Kroger could be thought of as either problem solving or acting at a basic level of possibilities thinking. 

For a "supermarket" chain they are innovative and focused on their competition.  Unlike others, especially Safeway, they have acquired chains and not destroyed what made those companies unique. 

This particular graphic hasn't been updated with the stores in the Roundy's Supermarket group, which Kroger acquired a couple years ago, including Mariano's in Chicago.

Kroger has adopted and transmitted best practices from such stores to other banners across their portfolio. 

They are an early adopter of big data and loyalty programs, but then, don't conceptualize loyalty the same way that Dorothy Lane Markets does ("Dorothy Lane Loves Its Customers," Fast Company).

Kroger is a major force in organic foods ("Kroger now sells $11 billion of natural and organic food," Fortune Magazine), have leading eco- and sustainability initiatives and treat their workers reasonably well (although they prefer not to work with unions, they still do). 

The company has two hard discount initiatives.  Ruler Foods operates in six Midwestern states ("Kroger to build 10 Ruler Foods stores," Supermarket News).  Food4Less is larger, mostly in California but also present in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio.

Supercenters.  The Pacific Northwest firm Fred Meyer (which they acquired) has the same format as a Walmart Supercenter with food and hard and soft goods but the company long predates Walmart. 

Kroger has taken the Fred Meyer concept and created the "Marketplace" format which adds the hard and soft goods side of a "supercenter" to supermarkets across their portfolio, such as Smith's in Utah, Fry's in Arizona and Kroger-branded divisions across the country ("Kroger has a plan to to take down Walmart," Business Insider).

You can think of it as innovative or merely as a way to potentially box out the opening of Walmarts and Targets in various store retail trade areas.  (Note that in the 1960s, many supermarket chains experimented with discount store concepts selling hard and soft goods.  For some firms, these store groups lasted to the 1980s and later.)

From Fred Meyer though, they also sell jewelry, and have created a separate stand-alone chain, not limited to operating in the Pacific Northwest.

Private brand.  Kroger has a massive private brand presence and food manufacturing operation.  Turkey Hill Dairy products are a Kroger brand and sold in many non-Kroger stores.  But are their private brands out of sight in terms of flavor profile, quality, and price?, not always. 

But they aren't standing still.  In response to Whole Foods cutting back on local food presence in their stores, Kroger has reached out to the artisanal food industry ("Kroger Launches Local-Sourcing Site, Pursues Foodies," MediaPost).  Certain divisions are ahead of others in the way they bring locally-produced items to mainline stores.

By contrast, Associated Food Stores, a supermarket business cooperative in the Intermountain region, knocked my socks off with their Red Button Creamery private brand ice cream and that group has received national recognition for its baked goods ("A Utah grocery-store chain decided to make its desserts better — and now its winning national awards," Salt Lake Tribune).

... I've eaten baked goods from Harris-Teeter (a Kroger division that pretty much operates on its own) that pale compared to my own baking efforts, and I complained to the company about the sub-ordinary organoleptic characteristics of the H-T brand frozen yogurt.

Kroger is a big player in convenience stores.  They use knowledge and experience from the convenience store division to create "fuel station" convenience stores within their supermarket divisions. 

That being said Kroger convenience stores are old-style stores--gas stations with some stuff, while chains like Wawa or Sheetz are more innovative and stronger in quick service meals ("Sheetz and Wawa Divide Pit-Stop Partisans," New York Times).

Kroger convenience stores under various banners are nothing like Giant-Eagle's GetGo or Market District focused convenience stores.  Wawa recently announced an urban store initiative starting in DC ("DC Wawa will have a variety of food & an 'urban feel'," WTOP-radio).

Kroger just announced they are considering selling the stand-alone chains, but keeping the "fuel stations" affiliated with supermarkets.

Experiments in small formats.  In Washington State, Kroger is experimenting with a small store one-off called Main and Vine, which might be a format that could compete with the 365 by Whole Foods concept or Royal Ahold's bfresh. 

Separately, Kroger has invested in Lucky's Market, a small scale "farmers market/natural foods" store concept ("Boulder-based Lucky's Market forges deal with Kroger Co.," Boulder Daily Camera) which is opening stores in various markets. Recently they purchased Murray's Cheese, a well-known specialty store in New York City, after working with that company to create specialty cheese sub-stores within their supermarkets.

Kroger dipping its toe into a restaurant offering with Kitchen 1883.  Iowa-based Hy-Vee is known for including restaurants in its stores (Walgreens used to have a restaurant division) and recently inked a deal with Wahlburger's.  Wegman's has restaurants in each of its new stores.  Whole Foods has made its salad bar function like a café by providing seating, and many stores, especially flagship stores, offer a variety of prepared food concepts, from seafood to health to Mexican.

Kroger is about to open a restaurant, its first, in its headquarters region of Cincinnati ("Here's your first look at Kroger's new restaurant concept, Kitchen 1883," WCPO-TV). Although the name could probably be sexier.

No upscale format for their mainline banners.  While Kroger has the Marketplace format, unlike HEB's Central Market ("HEB testing new ideas at expanded Central Market," Houston Chronicle) and Giant-Eagle's Market District, they don't have an upscale food-focused format better placed to compete with Wegman's.  In fact, as Wegmans and Publix enter Southern Virginia trade areas, Kroger is dialing back on expansion.  And Harris-Teeter stores don't function at that level, although they are nice stores.

HEB and Giant-Eagle have used their upscale formats as a driver into the entry of new markets like Dallas for HEB or Indianapolis for Giant-Eagle ("Giant Eagle's remodeled Waterworks Market District leads the way for Indiana," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette) without bringing their mainline format to those markets.  Giant-Eagle is also experimenting with smaller Market District urban-scaled stores in Cleveland and Columbus (I thought they should have used this format in Downtown Baltimore; Giant-Eagle, but not Market District operates in Frederick.)

But Kroger has purchased Roundys, which owns the upscale Mariano's chain in Chicago, and they may have plans to adapt the best of Mariano's as an upscale format portable to various Kroger divisions, just as they created the Marketplace format out of Fred Meyer.

Urban stores.  Kroger has many stores in cities, and was one of the first companies over the past 20 years to put a supermarket on the ground floor of a mixed use building in a center city location, in Atlanta, but they've never developed a true urban flagship format comparable to Fresh Grocer in Philadelphia.

Separately, a few years ago Kroger acquired Harris-Teeter, a Mid-Atlantic chain based in the Carolinas that is marching up the coast (but skipped Richmond) operating as far north as Baltimore and H-T has a big portfolio in urban locations alongside the traditional suburban focus of supermarket chains, with somewhat smaller stores, many on the ground floor in mixed use developments, with a wide array of prepared food offerings that are quite popular ("How Cary Judd Led Harris Teeter From Obscurity To DC Dominance," Bisnow).

Their city stores in places like Savannah (a Kroger in the historic district) or Salt Lake (Smith's) are great, but they are not smaller format.  They are huge, big suburban stores that are parking fronted and plunked down on big sites.  But many urban communities don't have that kind of available footprint.

One Kroger division has a great name that is exportable to city stores, "City Market," a banner in Colorado.

Note that I didn't know about the Kroger Fresh Fare concept in Texas ("Food fight: Kroger opens a new store near downtown Dallas on Friday," Dallas Morning News), which is focused on urban neighborhoods, but the concept hasn't grown much nor has it been exported to other divisions.  And the stores aren't small, about the size of a regular store at 60,000 to 75,000 s.f. 

Like the Marketplace format being used to thwart the opening of Walmarts and Targets, perhaps Fresh Fare is more about discouraging HEB from entering the Dallas market, outside of its Central Market concept ("Maple Avenue's New Kroger Fresh Fare Store Channels HEB," Dallas Observer).

It might be merely that Kroger never had an anti-city bias in the same way as typical supermarket chains and they are fine with urban locations, so long as they can accommodate a large store, rather than Kroger having to take the time to "right-size" a store in space-challenged settings.

Online/delivery.  Kroger banners have a bunch of delivery ventures and a few years ago acquired Vitacost, an online seller of natural and organic foods, vitamins, and health items ("Kroger buys Vitacost to expand into online grocery shopping," Los Angeles Times). But unlike Walmart's acquisition of Jet.com, it doesn't seem as if the Vitacost acquisition has been utilized as a device for broader corporate transformation.

Conclusion.  Kroger has all the pieces to be an even bigger, better, and more competitive company.  They have plenty of innovative practice operating within various divisions, although that knowledge and practice doesn't appear to be integrated and taken to the next level.

I think the issue with Kroger and problem solving vs. possibilities thinking is the velocity of change, disruptive innovation and competition, the difficulty of scaling and moving transformation forward across a large company with (according to Wikipedia):
2,778 supermarkets and multi-department stores; 786 convenience stores; 326 jewelry stores; 37 food processing or manufacturing facilities; 1,360 supermarket fuel centers and 2,122 pharmacies.
I think it's fair to say that the company is reasonably innovative, but not quite transformational, although they seem transformational compared to their supermarket competition. And that may well come down to the difference between problem solving and possibilities thinking.

It's all relative.  To be competitive with all the various entrants and segments of the market, not just supermarket chains, Kroger needs to be more focused on the possibilities they have.  Clearly, they have plenty and the tools and knowledge to execute, but the knowledge and practice isn't fully harnessed in visible and effective ways.

And that failure to fully execute -- problem-solving vs. possibilities thinking -- is common, especially with local governments and various government agencies, where all too often people are satisfied with getting something done, rather than getting the right thing done, or striving to constantly improve ("New Year's Post #5: DC City Council committees and striving to be a world-class city," 2011) a la the writings of Charles Landry ("Global cities don't just take, they give," which in part is a reprint of an Urbanophile entry in 2013, sparked by a back and forth conversation with Aaron Renn).

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Saturday, October 14, 2017

Upcoming Dupont Circle (and other) house/walking tours, also an opportunity to consider DC historic preservation issues

  • The Dupont Circle House Tour is Sunday, October 15 from 12 - 5 pm – celebrating its 50th House Tour, highlighting the Avenue of the Presidents: 16th Street NW. Tour goers will explore the corridor’s varied architectural buildings ranging from four-story row houses to apartment buildings, Embassies, institutional buildings, and churches.  PHOSTINT WASHINGTONIncluded in the tour is an afternoon tea at the Temple of the Scottish Rite. Designed by John Russell Pope (who also designed the National Archives and the Jefferson Memorial), the temple was constructed between 1911 and 1915, and was modeled after the tomb of King Mausolus at Halicarnassus.  Tickets are $40 in advance; $50 at the door, and may be purchased online. Tickets on the day of the tour are available at the Temple of the Scottish Rite, 1730 16th Street, NW, from 11:00 am – 3:00 pm. 
  • On Saturday October 28th, design buffs can join the Historic Bloomingdale: Victorian Secrets Modern Truths House Tour, which celebrates this hip, fast-changing neighborhood in Northwest DC. The event includes self-guided tours of eight to 10 notable Bloomingdale residences; a lecture by architect Ahmet Kilic on the history of the neighborhood’s architecture; and design workshops by other local architects and designers on lighting, urban landscaping and color.
  • On Saturday October 28th: A walking tour of McMillan Park, an historic landmark designed by Frederick Law Olmsted that surrounds the McMillan Park Reservoir. Led by local resident Paul Cerruti, the tour will highlight the park’s history, vistas and connection to Bloomingdale.  
DC and historic preservation

Preservation "saved" the city.  I've argued for many years that combined with the urban design begat to the city by Pierre L'Enfant. and until recently both a robust transit system and the steady employment engine of the federal government, neighborhoods constructed of attractive historic architecture are a fundamental component of the city's "competitive advantage" and primary "unique selling proposition," for choosing to live in the city.

Bloomingdale RowhousesThe Bloomingdale neighborhood is typical in that it features historic architecture but is not designated as historic, so buildings lack the protections present in other districts such as Capitol Hill.

During the many decades that residential choice trends disfavored center city living, people who found cities and historic architecture attractive moved in regardless, despite the evident problems with crime, poor quality schools, and dysfunctional municipal government. 

Preservation provided a strategy and approach capable of stabilizing neighborhoods that otherwise were experiencing population loss and decline.

As trends reversed and favored a reconsideration of urban living, which became evident around 2000-2005, simultaneously the population of residents favoring the city finally hit critical mass, so that the momentum of neighborhood stabilization and improvement became self-sustaining.

Unfortunately, while the positive economic and stabilization impact of preservation on cities and urban revitalization is widely understood among professionals, that realization hasn't been accepted more widely, especially by elected officials (often influenced by real estate development interests) and other stakeholders. 

Interestingly, this is true despite the fact that DC is a classic example in urban planning as being a "designed" city through the creation of a master urban design plan for the city by Pierre L'Enfant. 
L'enfant plan
Known as the L'Enfant Plan, it called for the creation of a grid system organized as blocks and streets, bisected with radial avenues, and at those locations where the avenues intersected with streets otherwise laid out at right angles, "circles" (called reservations), plazas and squares were to be created to showcase civic functions.  The L'Enfant Plan and the city's urban design is a historically designated feature of the city.

Books such as The Living City and Cities: Back from the Edge by Roberta Gratz, and Changing Places by Richard Moe are particularly good resources on the value of historic preservation as a sustainable urban revitalization strategy as is Economics of Uniqueness: Investing in Historic City Cores and Cultural Heritage Assets for Sustainable Development, published by UNESCO the World Bank and freely downloadable.

How does the preservation movement grapple with growth?  Today, increased demand to live in the city, especially in "historic" buildings, puts great pressure on neighborhoods, mostly in price appreciation, because it is not possible to produce more historic buildings ("Exogenous market forces impact DC's housing market," 2012), and because most sites suitable for single family housing have already been developed.

Preservationists developed their skill set when stabilization was the priority, simultaneous with the need to protect communities from unfriendly urban renewal and freeway initiatives and discordant architecture.

Urban renewal, Adams-Morgan Heritage Trail SignDC neighborhoods abutting the central business district also had to ward off the expansion and extension of the business district into residential quarters, because the height limit made it impossible to build taller in order to accommodate commercial demand (see the reprint of the 1974 Washington Post editorial, "Preservation Frustration," within this past blog entry).  This further biased preservationists to reflexively oppose new projects.

But today, given 21st century circumstances and conditions, cities need more population and commercial activity in order to be economically resilient. 

Mostly, because of the high cost of land, new housing tends to be multiunit, and is inserted somewhat surgically into neighborhoods through conversion of properties in commercial districts, on land in and around transit stations, and sometimes through the conversion of formerly institutional properties.

How do preservationists update their approach to help cities become stronger, more stable and resilient during growth conditions?, especially when economists like Edward Glaeser argue (see his book, Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier and Happier; review from The Economist) that preservation unduly limits growth

DC has the strongest historic preservation law in the US.  By that I mean that (1) buildings can be nominated and designated without requiring owner permission; (2) decisions are made impartially by an independently appointed commission, the Historic Preservation Review Board; (3) unlike in other communities, neither the Executive Branch (Mayor) nor City Council (Legislative Branch) make the final decision and they lack the authority to overturn decisions; (4) for the most part, buildings that are listed, either as landmarks or as "contributing buildings" within historic districts can't be demolished; (5) changes are reviewed, and are required to be in keeping with the building's architectural style and period of historic significance.

Kennedy Warren Apartments, Washington DCThe Kennedy-Warren Apartment Complex was constructed during the Depression.  A loss of financing meant that part of the planned building was not constructed until the early 2000s.

What separates DC's law from virtually every jurisdiction is that an impartial board makes the decisions and they can't be countermanded by politics--although that being said, some of the board members are definitely "political" appointees, not preservationists, and they may not always make decisions that are based on the architecture and history rather than politics.

Another element of preservation regulations that people sometimes may not grasp is that in a historic district, proposals to change properties, build new buildings, etc., require mandatory review, while in undesignated areas, the equivalent project can be "matter of right" and no extranormal review triggering citizen involvement is required.

Preservation regulations provide a framework and process for "managing change."

But the preservation law only protects properties and districts that are designated.  DC's preservation law is great, but only covers those properties and districts that have already been designated. 

DC has no demolition protections for buildings that would qualify to be listed as historic resources.  There is only one remedy to protect an undesignated building, and that is to designate it.

This unusual feature of an oriel on the alley side of a rowhouse is located on the unit block of R Street NW in the undesignated Bloomingdale neighborhood.

But for that to work, the building must satisfy a high ceiling.  The average building cannot meet that threshold.  And there is no quick way to create a large historic district.

Note that the building regulations do provide for retaining particularly distinctive architectural features such as turrets in undesignated buildings, but a process for ensuring this happens is underdefined, as is the definition of what qualifies--porches?, oriels (above grade bay projections)? porches?, cornices?, etc.

Columbia Heights rowhousesThe Columbia Heights rowhouse architecture tends to be larger than many other districts across the city.  The neighborhood is undesignated.  Washington Post photo.

While arguably DC has more historic districts and protected properties than any other city in the U.S. (although New Orleans and New York City sometimes argue otherwise), the number of undesignated properties and districts eligible for designation is a much larger number.

An important question that few people ask is what strategies are there for protecting the buildings and districts that are unprotected?

In the last few decades a rise in property rights sentiments and changes to laws and regulations have made it much more difficult and cumbersome to create new historic districts compared to the time when areas like Capitol Hill, Anacostia, Dupont Circle, and LeDroit Park were designated.

(Although the process for landmarking individual buildings has not been affected by these changes.)

This is complicated by the fact that to many people, an "ordinary" house doesn't seem "historic" compared to Mount Vernon, the U.S. Capitol, or the Chrysler Building, even if it is more than 100 years old, "it's just an old house" (past blog entry "Historic preservation and public history: whose history is history anyway?," 2009).

Therefore it becomes much harder to protect buildings in "an average neighborhood," even if elsewhere the same building would be considered historic.

Housing demand puts pressure on extant buildings.  As demand for housing in the city increases, and because most land zoned for single family housing has already been built upon, this puts pressure on extant housing in an urban "McMansionization" phenomenon, converting properties to flats/condominiums, constructing additions either outward or upward, and demolition and replacement with bigger buildings. 

Although at the same time we have to acknowledge that larger buildings and lots may be better utilized if "expanded" to a set of smaller units, and can accommodate such changes somewhat easily with minimal negative impact on a neighborhood (depending on the nature and quality of the changes).

Really unsympathetic third floor addition, Bloomingdale neighborhoodDiscordant third floor addition on a corner rowhouse in Bloomingdale.  Photo by Steve Pinkus.

Upward additions, referred to as "pop ups," create controversy because the new sections  tend to be out of proportion and use different materials compared to when the buildings were originally constructed ("Changing matter of right zoning regulations for houses to conform to heights typical within neighborhoods, not the allowable maximum," 2012).

More recently, building regulations have been changed to make conversion more difficult, but haven't stopped such efforts altogether in undesignated areas, which lack the requirement for additional review that is mandated for historic districts.

No special protections for avenues.  Another area where new protections are needed are the city's "avenues," streets like Massachusetts Avenue, Wisconsin Avenue, and Connecticut Avenue, but also streets without "avenue" in their name, like 16th Street, which tend to be lined by majestic apartment buildings and other distinctive buildings constructed mostly before the 1940s, but even into the 1960s most buildings constructed on such streets were designed with aesthetics in mind. 

5333 Connecticut Avenue NW.  WBJ photo.

Now aesthetics are of little concern and new buildings such as 5333 Connecticut Avenue NW ("After 25 years and a neighborhood kerfuffle, Cafritz readies 5333 Connecticut for tenants ," Washington Business Journal) generally are a poor fit ("An argument for the aesthetic quality of the ensemble: special design guidelines are required for DC's avenues," 2015) compared to extant apartment and condominium buildings from the past.

Best Addresses by James Goode, published by the Smithsonian Institution Press, discusses the architecture of DC's apartment houses.

Historic preservation and new construction. The Secretary of the Interior's Standards for the Treatment of Historic Properties and The Secretary of the Interior's Standards for Rehabilitation don't specifically discuss the design of new construction within historic _districts_ so much, as the standards concern individual buildings.

But the point in the Rehabilitation Standards:

"Each property shall be recognized as a physical record of its time, place, and use. Changes that create a false sense of historical development, such as adding conjectural features or architectural elements from other buildings, shall not be undertaken"

generally has been interpreted to mean that new construction in historic districts should be of the current time, rather than a copy of the old.

In the field, there is a debate about this, whether architecture should be "of its time" or "of its place." One of the reason that the "of its place" argument is so important is that the inclusion of new construction of different design tends to cheapen the whole of a district, certainly of its block, as it tends to be out of character and it shows.

Of its place represents the position that the quality of the overall built form matters the most, when it comes to livability and maintaining the qualities that make neighborhoods great places.

I've been fortunate to hear Professor Steven Semes speak on this and he's also written about it, in "New Buildings Among Old: Historicism and the Search for an Architecture of Our Time" and more in depth in book form, The Future of the Past: A Conservation Ethic for Architecture, Urbanism, and Historic Preservation (review of the book from Traditional Building Magazine).

Semes' paper lays out all the arguments for why the way these issues have been interpreted lead to the "decontextualization of historic buildings—they become museum artifacts instead of remaining part of our living world." His concludes that:
This growing dissent within the architectural and preservation communities represents the paradigm shift now in progress as the grip of historicist doctrine is gradually broken. In its place, a new conservation ethic is emerging, drawing together traditional architecture, new urbanism and historic preservation in pursuit of a built environment that is beautiful, sustainable and just. In the new paradigm, the architecture of our time will be the result of a critical engagement with the architecture of place, seen as a continuously self-renewing field of character and civility.
There are some good examples of new construction that fits in quite well, and other that doesn't.  But the majority of new buildings don't work well, in terms of design, materials, and proportions.

Preservation as a manipulative tool/opportunity costs.  One of the problems that arises from the existence of preservation regulations is that they can be manipulated as a way to fight development proposals, no matter how worthy. 

Such practices lead many people to criticize historic preservation as a hindrance and barrier to "progress."

And because of the mandated review process, it is not uncommon for final approvals to include project shrinkage to assuage/as a sop to community concernings, without acknowledging the economic opportunity cost to the city in terms of fewer units leading to fewer residents, lower property, income, and sales tax revenues, and higher housing prices due to supply constraints.

Recommendations: mandatory design review.  Recognizing that the city's competitive advantage is tied to historic architecture, I've argued for a long time that the city should mandate design review for new construction, whether or not an area or building is historically designated.

Other cities such as Baltimore and Cleveland have special design review requirements for certain types of projects, whether or not they are in historic districts.  Lancaster, Pennsylvania does the same for the core of the city, which was built in the 1700s and 1800s.

Another way to think about this conceptually is DC at the scale of a cultural landscape, and to ensure that as a whole the city's aesthetic qualities are maintained and supported, create a design review process focused on creating better outcomes.

"Tear up" of a colonial revival house, 6400 block of 9th Street NW
This colonial revival brick house on 9th Street NW near Piney Branch Road likely dates to the 1940s. The original construction was primarily brick. But a second floor addition was fitted with frame-style siding, which is a building material that is incongruent with the original construction and architectural style.

Out of proportion rowhouse popup, 3615 10th Street NW
Out of proportion and ersatz rowhouse popup, 3615 10th Street NW.  (The Second Empire "styled" third floor addition doesn't fit the craftsman style porch front rowhouse dating to the 1920s.)

The idea wouldn't be to prevent new development, but to ensure that from a design standpoint, the new construction would be more compatible and architecturally proportionate.

For example, with popups and additions, new additions would have to be constructed with compatible materials.

DC's Historic Preservation Office publishes such guidelines for work in historic districts, including Additions to Historic Buildings and New Construction in Historic Districts.

But there is no requirement that these resources be consulted and followed in those areas of the city that are not designated as historic.

The city's Comprehensive Plan, Zoning Code, and set of building regulations should be revised to recognize this need and lay out guidance and a process for addressing and providing design review for those parts of the city that are not historically designated.

"Of its place" should be the guiding principle for new construction in residential neighborhoods, while such decisionmaking can be more flexible in commercial and transit districts, depending on the site, context, and the nature of the built environment around the site.

This aerial view of DC's Logan Circle (image from Wikipedia) shows how circles and avenues shape DC's cultural landscape and are a signature element of the urban design created by the L'Enfant Plan.

Recommendations: mandatory design review for DC's avenues.  The architectural coherence and attractiveness of the city's avenues should also be a priority. 

While the Comprehensive Plan describes the city's avenues as an important element of the city's urban design, it makes no substantive recommendations with regard to maintaining, extending, and enhancing the architectural integrity and attractiveness of the city's avenues, which are key gateways into and out of the city.

The city's "circles" and the triangular lots that are formed where the grid of numbered and lettered streets intersect with the avenues provide special opportunities for particularly unique, interesting, and attractive buildings (see the past blog entry "16 Grant Circle and the landscape of DC's avenues and circles as an element of the city's identity").

Unfortunately, in today's era of modern and post-modern architecture typically these opportunities are ignored in ways that diminish the overall beauty of the city.

The city's Comprehensive Plan, Zoning Code, and set of building regulations should be revised to recognize this need and lay out guidance and a process for addressing and providing design review for those sections of avenues that are not designated.

"Of its place" should be the guiding preference for new construction on the city's avenues, for residential buildings definitely, and for commercial buildings preferably, depending on the site and its context.

Pattern books as a model for forward progress.  Ideally, like in the days of pattern books ("History of the Pattern Book," City of Roanoke; "The Institution of Residential Investment in Seventeenth-Century London," Business History Review (Jstor]), more structured guidance could be provided to ensure that new construction "works," both for new buildings and with modifications for existing buildings.

More recently, pattern books have been a major component of work within the field of "New Urbanism," as a way to ensure design harmony within new developments as well as infill construction. 

But many existing communities are creating pattern books as a way to provide more structured guidance, with the aim of facilitating development, simplifying the regulatory process, and ensuring higher quality outcomes from new construction. 

As examples, the City of Roanoke published an award-winning Residential Pattern Book, and the City of Alexandria, Virginia has been developing a similar document for the Del Ray neighborhood.

Besides the Historic Preservation Office publications mentioned above, in the 1970s DC created similar publications for the Anacostia and LeDroit Park neighborhoods, and in 2014 a pattern book was created by the city's Department of Housing and Community Development to shape infill development for the Congress Heights and Anacostia neighborhoods.

DC should direct more resources to the development of pattern book type treatments specific to the rowhouse type and its various architectural variants such as Second Empire and the porch front variant of the Craftsman style.

Multiunit buildings.  Best Addresses is a DC-specific resource, but other books and resources from other cities and other resources can also be compiled and codified to provide pattern book guidance for multiunit residential buildings.  

Some resources include Apartment Buildings & Hotel/Motels Building Types produced by the Utah Division of State History, articles on Chicago building types, "The Residential Hotel," and "Courtyard Apartment Buildings," from the Moss Architecture blog. books, etc.

Because of the cost to repair, this unique two-story oriel on a building at the northwest corner of the intersection of 12th and H Streets NW was pardged and enclosed, significantly diminishing the architectural integrity of the feature, the building, the block, the intersection, and the street.

Conclusion.  If resources aren't used, they are immaterial.  As recommended above, there need to be requirements and processes put in place for design review across the city so that not only are resources consulted but the appropriate guidance is applied to construction projects going forward, with the aim of maintaining historic architecture and aesthetic attractiveness of the city's built environment as a fundamental element of the city's competitive advantages and "unique selling propositions" in the 21st century as much as this had been key to the city's competitive advantage from its founding in the 1790s through the early part of the 20th century.

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Friday, October 13, 2017

One more blow against community media: Washington Post drops Thursday "county" news special sections

"In the old days," metropolitan newspapers were known for publishing special zoned community news sections one or two days per week. 

The idea was that more locally focused news of less interest to the entire metropolitan area would be featured as well as provide an opportunity for smaller, local businesses to advertise.

With the precipitous decline of the newspaper industry co-terminate with the rise of the Internet over the past 20+ years -- most major newspapers have less than half the circulation they had back then, for example the Washington Post distributed close to 800,000 papers daily, now it's about 350,000 -- newspapers have been cutting back.

And that includes special zoned community news sections.  The Louisville Courier-Journal and the Detroit News eliminated their special weekly community news sections more than ten years ago, the New York Times about five years ago, the Boston Globe consolidated their five zoned editions to three, eliminating the special Boston city section as part of the changes.

The Washington Post kept its sections but in those areas where it published twice/week it reduced frequency, and a couple years ago, stopped including locally relevant "copy" specific to the edition, although each section retained its local community calendar, which was still an important service and one of the only "mass media" ways to communicate local events to a wider audience. 

It became more of a "Home Life" section, but with the local calendar.

From the Post description of the purpose and value of the section to students:
Every Thursday LOCAL LIVING combines Home and community news with local entertainment, family and health features that readers want. The result? A convenient weekly resource covering Washington life from family room to community room.

LOCAL LIVING provides news and features about the community, profiles of neighbors and neighborhood organizations, coverage of local government agendas, zoning and school board actions. 
LOCAL LIVING offers a wide range of educational opportunities and strategies. A few simple examples will help to introduce students to LOCAL LIVING.

Articles and advertisements provide illustrations, headlines and vocabulary that lead to concept development, so necessary to reading a story with success. In articles, features and photographs, a particular area of the Washington metropolitan region is covered. Students can learn much about the locations in and geography of their area and surrounding areas through LOCAL LIVING.
Now the Post has dropped this section, called "Local Living," and the county-specific calendar-events feature.  (The New York Times dropped its Thursday Home section about two years ago.)

Suburban weekly networks.  Some newspapers, among them the Chicago Sun-Times (although later they sold out those newspapers to the Chicago Tribune), the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Baltimore Sun, and the Los Angeles Times, constructed networks of suburban-focused weeklies distributed separately from the main newspaper but with the same idea of providing locally relevant news and advertising.

The Washington Post didn't do that in quite the same integrated fashion, but had such weeklies in Frederick, Montgomery, Prince George's Counties in Maryland and in Fairfax County, Virginia.  A couple years ago they shut down the Maryland weeklies and sold the Fairfax edition ("The ongoing tragedy of dying print media, the latest being community newspapers in Montgomery and Prince George's Counties, Maryland").

It's been a blow for nonprofits and cultural organizations in Suburban Maryland ever since, in terms of being able to communicate to a wider audience.

Now that blow has been extended to the entire circulation area of the Washington Post newspaper.

If in the Internet era one of the true distinctions and reasons for reading a "local" paper is locally relevant news and features, then sadly the Post is becoming less relevant.

The negative effect on civil society. Most research on citizen involvement in local civic affairs finds a strong positive association between reading the local newspaper and the level of engagement. Research on newspaper closures finds that there is a negative impact on civic engagement and involvement as newspapers close or shrink.

From the journal article, "Dead Newspapers and Citizens’ Civic Engagement," published in Political Communication:
Using data from the 2008 and 2009 Current Population Survey (CPS) conducted by the United States Census Bureau, this article assesses the year-over-year change in the civic engagement of citizens in America’s largest metropolitan areas. Of special interest are Denver and Seattle, where the Rocky Mountain News and Seattle Post-Intelligencer closed during the intervening year. The data from the CPS indicate that civic engagement in Seattle and Denver dropped significantly from 2008 to 2009—a decline that is not consistently replicated over the same time period in other major American cities that did not lose a newspaper. The analysis suggests that this decline may plausibly be attributed to the ewspaper closures in Seattle and Denver. This short-term negative effect is concerning, and whether it lasts warrants future attention.
As mass print media ceases to be a mass medium, the quality of participation as well as the amount of participation declines.

Also see the discussion on media within the past entry, "Voting vs. civic participation | elections vs. governance."

Existing community media networks in DC and Northern Virginia.  In Northwest DC, the Current Newspapers still publish, although the shutting down of the Gazette Newspapers fatally damaged a once extent newspaper supplement distribution network, cutting the revenues of the Current group.  The Capital Hill Community News group publishes monthlies for Capitol Hill, center city DC, and East of the River.

Virginia has a couple large community weekly networks, the primary being the Connection Newspapers.

Calendar features.  It happens that the calendar-event section of the Current Newspapers is probably the premier such section in the metropolitan area, but it lacks the reach and positioning possessed by the Post.  The calendars in the Capital Hill Community News publications are quite good as well.  And the Washington City Paper, the city's alternative weekly, publishes a calendar as does the Post Weekend section, although the Weekend section focuses on events and showings, not lectures and such.

In Cincinnati, the arts organizations have banded together to create a digital calendar called ArtsWave with an associated ArtsWavePass that provides discounted access to events.

The Post could still publish a community calendar page in the regular paper.  Ideally, the Post could continue the community calendar function by dedicating one page, perhaps in the Thursday Style section.  There could be a DC/Maryland page for DC and Maryland and a Virginia page for the Virginia editions of the paper.

Opportunities to create digital community information networks.  In various writings, I've described how community-district information systems could be distributed at the sub-city/sub-county level, by "district."  Working with "calendar engines" like the Current Newspapers, it is possible to create such networks, perhaps in conjunction with the distribution of district-specific transit information.

I describe such a network, focused on Silver Spring, in an article series on Silver Spring. as item #10.  The basic outline is relevant regardless of specific place.

Reprinted

Create a digital community and transit information network for Silver Spring, employing kiosks and mobile applications.  For at least 15 years, I've been thinking about how to create and deliver a city- (county-) wide digital nonprofit and cultural communications feed, with sub-feeds for neighborhoods/districts.


Now, with real-time transit information feeds like TransitScreen, you can use transit information applications as a foundation/the engine but add other information feeds to the engine.  That's how the digital information kiosks work (called CityPost, produced by Smart City Media) alongside the Kansas City Streetcar.

From the Digital Signage Today article "Meridian deploys outdoor interactive kiosks in Kansas City" :
The interactive kiosks, located at Kansas City Streetcar platforms and throughout downtown, enable travelers to check the arrival time of the next streetcar, offer Kansas City locals and tourists access to city services, and display information about local restaurants, activities and events...
Kiosk users can sync their smartphones to the kiosk with a mobile app to save and share information. For example, Kansas City Streetcar travelers might see an ad for dinner at a local restaurant. They are then able to pull that information onto their mobile device to access again at their convenience.

There is also the LinkNYC program, delivered by Civiq Smartscapes, but these systems tend to be more focused on delivering advertising rather than useful community-specific information.  I have similar concerns about a program done separately by the New York MTA transit agencies.The feed would be multi-stream instead of a single advertising feed or a single transit information feed.

Take (1) the digital ad feed presented in bus shelters and transit stations; (2) add transit and mobility information like the TransitScreen application; and (3) create and deliver a separate "community information feed" promoting  nonprofit and public sector organization, events, public meeting notices, etc.  (Note that Outfront Media is doing (1) and (2) on screens in Metrorail stations.)

There is great need for systematically delivering community information in public and visible ways in many places, because community media outlets are going out of business because of how the Internet has changed the business of media and advertising.

TransitScreen mobility information display, Silver Spring Civic CenterIn fact, Montgomery County does a form of delivering community information digitally at the Silver Spring Civic Center, where they have two digital screens side-by-side behind the information desk. 

One presents the TransitScreen info (pictured at right), and the other cycles through "ads" for Montgomery County Government agencies and services, and community events.    (Libraries frequently have community bulletin board-like digital screens presenting such information also.)

The idea is to create content in a way that works at two scales: (1) a city or county; and (2) at the sub-city/county scale, by neighborhood/ transit district.

The stream would be device independent, so that it could be displayed on screens and kiosks as well as received on a digital feed. 

Besides delivering this digital network in kiosks at transit stations and key "crossroads," in bus shelters, and civic buildings and sites, ideally, places like coffee shops, office and apartment buildings, etc., would put up screens and "subscribe" to the feed as a service to their customers/tenants--many do this with transit information already.

As another example, recently I came across the Pitt Smart Living Project, but it seems to focus only on delivering area-specific transit information.

-- Pitt Smart Living Project TransitScreen for Sennott Square

To create and deliver the community ads and event content, I'd set up an "advertising and design curriculum" as part of the School of Art and Design at Montgomery College, perhaps with the involvement of the journalism program of Montgomery-Blair High School, which very actively markets its Silver Chips student newspaper to the community beyond the school. 

A way to extend the community and educational value of the program would be to create an equivalent of the teen graphic design program of Boston's Artists for HumanityArts on the Block, based in Kensington, could participate too.    The firm handling advertising in Montgomery County's bus shelters would be another partner.

Currently the MC Media Arts & Technology program is located at the Rockville campus, but in keeping with the presence of Discovery Channel in Silver Spring, perhaps this academic program could shift to the Silver Spring campus.

-- Smart City Media video showing the program in Kansas City

An issue is whether or not to include "for profit" ads.  I would in part to defray costs, but outside of bus shelters, perhaps ads should be limited to businesses based in Silver Spring, potentially the Silver Spring retail trade area (which includes parts of DC and arguably, part of Prince George's County), and Montgomery County outside of Silver Spring.

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Thursday, October 12, 2017

Small cities struggle

Yesterday's New York Times features a piece, "Why big cities thrive, and small cities struggle," about the issues faced by small cities in the context of an economy that is increasingly global and firms of all types--manufacturing and non-manufacturing--continue to consolidate and relocate to better connected communities (e.g., "Bass Pro completes $4 billion acquisition of Cabela's," Associated Press; "Caterpillar will move global HQ to Deerfield, lllinois," Equipment World).

From the NYT article:
Some of the advantages of big-city living are not hard to find. For starters, big cities have a greater variety of employers and thus more job opportunities in a richer mix of industries than do small cities, whose fortunes are often tied to those of just a small number of employers.

Bigger cities are more productive. They are more innovative. They draw better-educated workers by offering them higher wages. They develop a richer variety of industries. It should not be surprising that they are growing faster. ...

A recent paper by economists from the University of Illinois, the University of Quebec, the University of Lausanne and the University of Utah suggested that there were too many American cities and that they were inefficiently small.
Adapting to these sorts of changes will require something different from reviving the industries of old. Smaller metropolitan areas might try plugging into the economic orbit of more successful larger cities. They might try to become innovation hubs by, say, drawing large teaching hospitals. And yet the future for the residents of small-city America looks dim. Perhaps the best policy would be to help them move to a big city nearby.
This has been an issue for a long time.  Basically it's a function of a new reality in that communities need a certain level of population, economic and educational infrastructure, and transportational connectivity in order to remain competitive.

The communities that are managing to do so "even if they are 'small'" tend to have within them:

(1) well organized philanthropic, civic, and stakeholder organizations
(2) higher educational institutions with a technical-engineering focus (cf. "More Prince George's County: College Park's militant refusal to become a college town makes it impossible for the city(and maybe the County) to become a great place," 2015)
(3) "legacy" manufacturing that manages to remain competitive;
(4) possessing great transportation connections, especially highways, but also airports, railroads, and ports, depending on the need.

Some that come to mind are Spokane, Washington; Greensboro, North Carolina; and Louisville, Kentucky.  Spokane is doubling down on higher education ("President of Washington State University dies: fostered development of the "University District" adjacent to Downtown Spokane," 2015); Greensboro both higher education and manufacturing; and Louisville as a distribution-logistics center ("Aerotropoli and rethinking the scale of mobility networks in the context of a global economy," 2013).

Grand Rapids, Michigan still has some extant industry and higher education institutions, and has moved a variety of branding and cultural initiatives forward ("Detroit can learn a thing or two from Grand Rapids," Huffington Post).

In a different vein is Paducah, Kentucky, which leveraged its central location in the Midwest and access to north-south and east-west Interstate freeways to make the city attractive to working artists active on the art fair circuit ("Artists to the rescue: Paducah, Ky. features broad array of artists, styles," Evansville Courier-Press).

With the widening of the Panama Canal, Savannah's port is getting busier ("New distribution hubs coming to Savannah as part of ports boom," Atlanta Journal-Constitution).

The NYT article mentions an opportunity for small cities in health care.  The article doesn't specifically mention the Mayo Clinic and Rochester, Minnesota, but that has to be behind the thinking.  However, I think that Rochester is probably the exception that proves the rule. 

It developed competitive advantage at a time when location wasn't as prominent a factor and now that it is they are able to trump it as a factor because they are a pre-eminent institution.  Still the city and Mayo Clinic are investing more than $6 billion in improvements to maintain their relevance ("$6 billion makeover of Rochester and Mayo underway," Minneapolis Star-Tribune).

Immigrants.  Another element is a willingness to accept immigrants.  Broken microeconomies need more economic activity.  And immigrants can bring that.  Certainly, Somali migration to Minneapolis-St. Paul helped that area in a time when the area was otherwise losing population ("African immigrants found to be a powerful economic force in Twin Cities," Minneapolis Star-Tribune). 

An influx of immigrants has been an augur of community improvement in many communities across the country, although as seen in the current political climate, it also causes discomfort and reaction against change.

Creative Rural Economy.  I referenced the initiative in Prince Edward County, Ontario (Prince Edward County, Canada as a model of rural creative economic development, Martin Prosperity Institute) in the commercial district revitalization framework plan I did for Cambridge, Maryland.

Organized and focused civic system.  The thing that strikes me is that the "smaller" places that succeed acknowledge not just that they have assets but that they have to be proactive to remain competitive.

In the vein of the discussion of both "asset management" ("Town-city management: we are all asset managers now," 2015) and the Growth Coalition ("If you don't know urban theory, it's likely you don't understand local land use issues," 2012), a pre-step to creating "broad, comprehensive, visionary, and detailed revitalization plan/s " is a recognition of the need, and highly organized civic capital -- community, social, organizational -- focused on the future and on creating and implementing proactive and practical solutions.  See the NonProfit Quarterly article, "A Tale of Two Michigan Cities: Study Highlights the Role of Culture in Fundraising," on Grand Rapids and Kalamazoo, Michigan.

These communities seem to have developed a wide ranging planning and implementation process comparable to those  common to cities like Bilbao, Liverpool, Pittsburgh, and the Temple Bar district of Dublin ("Economic restructuring success and failure: Detroit compared to Bilbao, Liverpool, and Pittsburgh," 2014). From the blog entry:

The six components of a successful broad ranging revitalization program.  In writing about the various efforts [based on pieces I wrote about revitalization efforts in 8 European cities], I drew the conclusion that successful revitalization programs, especially in those cities that were working to overturn serious disadvantages, were comprised of these elements:
  • A commitment to the development and production of a broad, comprehensive, visionary, and detailed revitalization plan/s (Bilbao, Hamburg, Liverpool);
  • the creation of innovative and successful implementation organizations, with representatives from the public sector and private firms, to carry out the program.  Typically, the organizations have some distance from the local government so that the plan and program aren't subject to the vicissitudes of changing political administrations, parties and representatives (Bilbao, Hamburg, Liverpool, Helsinki);
  • strong accountability mechanisms that ensure that the critical distance provided by semi-independent implementation organizations isn't taken advantage of in terms of deleterious actions (for example Dublin's Temple Bar Cultural Trust was amazingly successful but over time became somewhat disconnected from local government and spent money somewhat injudiciously, even though they generated their own revenues--this came to a head during the economic downturn and the organization was widely criticized; in response the City Council decided to fold the TBCT and incorporate it into the city government structure, which may have negative ramifications for continued program effectiveness as its revenues get siphoned off and political priorities of elected officials shift elsewhere);
  • funding to realize the plan, usually a combination of local, regional, state, and national sources, and in Europe, "structural adjustment" and other programmatic funding from the European Regional Development Fund and related programs is also available (Hamburg, as a city-state, has extra-normal access to funds beyond what may normally be available to the average city);
  • integrated branding and marketing programs to support the realization of the plan (Hamburg, Vienna, Liverpool, Bilbao, Dublin);
  • flexibility and a willingness to take advantage of serendipitous events and opportunities and integrate new projects into the overall planning and implementation framework (examples include Bilbao's "acquisition" of a branch of the Guggenheim Museum and the creation of a light rail system to complement its new subway system, Liverpool City Council's agreement with a developer to create the Liverpool One mixed use retail, office, and residential development in parallel to the regeneration plan and the hosting of the Capital of Culture program in 2008, and how multifaceted arts centers were developed in otherwise vacated properties rented out cheaply by their owners in Dublin, Helsinki, and Marseille).
Urbanophile has a piece on the topic too, "The small city struggle," which cites other coverage from The Economist and the Wall Street Journal.

Recognizing that we are discussing cities as a whole, not just downtowns, three books that are relevant to this topic are:
The Massachusetts Gateway Cities Initiative is another resource.

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FWIW, it's all about scales, concepts like "center and periphery" ("Enclave development won't "save" Anacostia," 2006; Can enclave development save Prince George's County," 2012) and networks.

At a Main Street conference once, someone from a small town made a comment in response to something I said about "you in the city..."  I said you have it all wrong.  We're at the neighborhood scale, not the whole city, and our neighborhoods function a lot like your small town.  The processes are the same, even if some external conditions are different -- overall size of the community, crime, whether or not you're recovering from a riot, etc.

Size matters sure.  But it's at all types of scales.

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Monday, October 09, 2017

Why not a bicycle hub at National Airport?, focused on capturing worker trips but open to all

Image from Bike the Gap.

National Airport in Arlington County, Virginia is unusual for a large active airport in that it is in the core of the Washington metropolitan area, only 5 miles from Downtown DC and is bikeable from many points across the area--and is well  served by the Mount Vernon Trail, one of the area's foundational long-distance serving bikeways, connecting Alexandria, Arlington, and DC, with a connection to the Capital Crescent Trail and Suburban Maryland.

It has just been announced that bike share stations will be added to the Airport ("Capital bikeshare gears up for another expansion," Washington Post).

While that's a nice step, we need to be looking more comprehensively at sustainable mobility services and the area's airports more comprehensively, something I've argued for a long time:

-- "Night moves: the need for more night time (and weekend) transit service, especially when the subway is closed," 2013
-- "More on airport-related transit/transit for visitors," 2013
-- "More on transportation to the DC area airports," 2013

Besides general recommendations in the cited entries that also pertain to National Airport, specific suggestions I've made are specifically for National Airport:

(1) have bus service for when the Metrorail subway doesn't run, ideally integrated into a larger Nite Owl bus network ("Slight revisiting of the issue of overnight transit service: San Francisco," 2016

(2) set up a program to accommodate Car2Go one way car sharing, the way that Montreal's Trudeau Airport does ("Car2Go agreement with Montreal's Trudeau Airport could be a model for other jurisdictions") --the airport accommodates Uber and other similar services now ("The popularity of Uber, Lyft boosts airport revenue, but there are trade offs," Washington Post), why not car share?

(3) take responsibility for integrating ground transportation connections between the Crystal City railroad station and the airport ("A brief comment on ground transportation at National Airport vis a vis VRE rail service"), the way that BWI Airport serves the nearby railroad station.

I've probably mentioned that the bike accommodations at National Airport are paltry, one lone rack not up to best practice next to a distant administration building, even though the Airport abuts the Mount Vernon Trail.
Leaving the Airport
Photo by M.V. Jantzen of a cyclist on the Mount Vernon Trail abutting National Airport.

But in an e-discussion with Nigel, my correspondent from New Zealand, we've been talking about airport transportation connections. 

I suggested it would be useful to have a set of case studies on best practices for sustainable mobility comparable to an old Volpe Transportation Center study on urban tourist transportation systems.

One of the things I do look at from time to time is how well or how poorly airport websites provide information on sustainable ground transportation options, and so I was looking at the Heathrow Airport website, and discovered its webpages on ground transportation are superb, probably the best I've come across.

WRT bicycling, as part of the discussion of bicycle parking, it offhandedly mentions the Heathrow Cycle Hub, without discussing it.

According to Cycling Weekly ("Heathrow Cycle Hub a success"), the Heathrow Cycle Hub is a multi-faceted facility aimed at encouraging airport workers to cycle to and from work, while also providing services for airport users.  From the article:
... in 2011 Heathrow became the first airport in the UK to offer its 76,000 employees a cycle to work scheme and their own onsite bike shop. And in the two years it has been open, there’s been a 45 per cent increase in Heathrow employees cycling to work, with around 570 doing so every day. ...

Inside there’s a workshop and retail space open all day and manned by full-time, fully trained bike experts. Heathrow employees can sign up to the hub for free and get 10 per cent discount on products in the shop, free bike servicing, free maintenance classes and bikeability training. There’s even an emergency call-out available for anyone that has a breakdown in the airport. ...

Heathrow has been striving to improve sustainable travel for the last decade. In 2002, a car share commuter scheme for employees was launched. Heathrow also effectively exists in its own London travel zone, where bus transport in the airport and surrounds is free.
I remember an e-conversation years ago with someone from the University of California Institute for Transportation Studies who mentioned that dealing with airport worker travel to and from work was a major opportunity for shifting people to sustainable modes.

Heathrow Airport demonstrates how to do so, not just in having superior transit connections (subway, bus, railroad service), but also providing support for car sharing, car pooling, and cycling.

Since the launch of the Bike Hub, the airport has appointed a staff member to focus on employee bike transportation ("Healthrow appoints cycling officer to get local staff riding to work," Road.cc) and is advocating for better cycleway connections to the Airport.  The CW article discussed creating an airport area cycling map, but I don't know if that has been carried out.

National Airport, being so close to Downtown and other population centers, would be a natural for such a program in the US -- as would La Guardia Airport in Queens, O'Hare and Midway Airports in Chicago, Newark International Airport, Logan Airport in Boston, among others.

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In future coverage of necessary steps to build the system for cycling at the metropolitan and regional scales ("Bike to Work Day as an opportunity to assess the state of bicycle planning"), I will add airport bike hubs as an item.

Of course, it goes without saying that secure bike parking at National Airport should be part of a metropolitan and regional secure bike parking network, as suggested in item #5 of the BTWD entry, modeled after the Greater Melbourne Parkiteer bicycle parking network.

Cycle Hubs, like the one at Heathrow, those in the LA MTA system ("A parking garage for bicycles just opened at El Monte Bus Station," San Gabriel Valley Tribune) and other places need to be integrated into such a system, which is item #8 in the BWTD entry.

Melbourne, which is a world class best practice example of integrated sustainable mobility services, has a Parkiteer station at the public transit station serving Melbourne Airport, as indicated on the map below. Separately, the Airport provides bike parking too.
Parkiteer bicycle parking network, Greater Melbourne

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